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A versatile, vegetable-based soap that is traditionally made from olive oil. Castile soap is a versatile, vegetable-based soap that is traditionally made from olive oil. It originates from the Castile region of Spain, which is where it gets its name, but today, Castile soap can also be made from other plant-based oils like coconut oil, hemp oil, avocado oil, or jojoba oil. Properties Natural and Eco-Friendly: Castile soap is free from synthetic detergents and animal fats, making it biodegradable and environmentally friendly. Gentle on Skin: It’s mild and moisturizing, suitable for people with sensitive skin or allergies to conventional soaps. Multi-Purpose: Castile soap can be used for a wide variety of purposes including as a body wash, shampoo, household cleaner, laundry detergent, and even pet wash. Common Uses Castile soap is often sold as a liquid or a bar and is commonly associated with brands like Dr. Bronner’s, which has popularized the product globally. Because it’s highly concentrated, it’s often diluted for use. You can also make your own DIY products by adding essential oils or other ingredients to customize its scent and properties. It can be used for personal care (face wash, body wash, shampoo, shaving cream), household cleaning (dish soap, laundry detergent, all-purpose cleaner, mopping floors) and even to wash pets since it’s gentle and non-toxic. Liveology® creates uplifting content and products for abundant life. Shop our all natural bodycare, handmade products, and spiritual apparel! Subscribe  for access to our wealth of articles and videos on victorious living. Thank you for your continued and growing support all over the world. Peace & Love!

Different forms of love based on the various emotional, spiritual, and physical connections that people experience. The concept of the 8 types of love is derived from ancient Greek philosophy, which categorized different forms of love based on the various emotional, spiritual, and physical connections that people experience. These types of love help to explain the complexity of relationships and human connection. Agape Selfless, Unconditional Love Agape is selfless, unconditional love, often associated with spiritual love or the love for all humanity. It is the highest form of love, characterized by altruism, compassion, and a desire to give without expecting anything in return. Though this is viewed as the highest form of love, some caregivers can fall into to self-neglect if the giver puts too much emphasis on others and forgets to practice self-care. Philia Affectionate, Friendship Love Philia represents the deep friendship and emotional connection shared between close friends. It’s often called “brotherly love” and is based on mutual respect, shared values, and trust. Philia can fall can weaken if there is a lack of communication or shared experiences and can be more temporary or transactional than agape love. Storge Familial Love Storge refers to the love between family members, such as the bond between parents and children, or siblings. It is characterized by natural affection, loyalty, and a sense of duty or responsibility. Pragma Enduring, Practical Love Pragma is long-lasting, mature love that develops over time. It is based on commitment, mutual respect, and the understanding that love is a choice that requires effort and compromise. This is often found in long-term relationships, like marriages, though it can become routine or lack passion if not nurtured. Philautia Self-Love Philautia is the love of oneself, which can be healthy or unhealthy. Healthy self-love involves self-compassion, confidence, and respect, while narcissistic self-love is selfish and egotistical. While self-love is important, it can turn into narcissism if focused solely on ego. Eros Romantic, Passionate Love Eros is the intense, passionate love often associated with physical attraction and desire. It’s named after the Greek god of love, Eros, and is characterized by a strong emotional and physical connection between partners, though it can be fleeting or overly focused on physical attraction. Ludus Playful Love Ludus is playful, flirtatious love often found in the early stages of a romantic relationship. It involves excitement, teasing, and lighthearted fun, without the deep emotional connection of other forms of love. Ludus can be fun, yet superficial and fleeting. Mania Obsessive Love Mania is obsessive or possessive love, marked by an intense, sometimes unhealthy attachment. It often stems from insecurity or fear of loss, leading to jealousy and dependency, toxic behaviors or unhealthy dynamics. Liveology® creates uplifting content and products for abundant life. Shop our all natural bodycare, handmade products, and spiritual apparel! Subscribe  for access to our wealth of articles and videos on victorious living. Thank you for your continued and growing support all over the world. Peace & Love!

Certain essential oils have the properties of increasing blood flow and relaxation of the uterus and can be harmful during pregnancy. During pregnancy, it's important to be cautious with essential oils, as some can have adverse effects on both the mother and the developing fetus.  Here’s a list of essential oils that are generally recommended to be avoided during pregnancy. Always consult with a healthcare professional. Clary Sage: Can stimulate contractions and may lead to premature labor. Cinnamon : Known to cause skin irritation and may stimulate uterine contractions. Rosemary : High doses can potentially increase blood pressure and stimulate uterine activity. Sage : Similar to clary sage, it may stimulate contractions and should be avoided. Thyme : Can potentially cause uterine contractions and may be harmful in high amounts. Pennyroyal : Known to be toxic and can induce abortion; should be strictly avoided. Wintergreen : Contains high levels of methyl salicylate, which can be harmful. Fennel : May affect hormone levels and potentially stimulate uterine contractions. Jasmine : While some sources suggest it can be beneficial, it's also known to potentially stimulate contractions in some women. Geranium : Generally safe in small amounts, but it may have stimulating effects on the uterus. Peppermint : Can cause a relaxing effect on the uterus in high concentrations; use with caution. Neroli : Should be avoided in large amounts due to potential hormonal effects. Basil : High concentrations may stimulate the uterus and increase blood pressure. Sweet Marjoram: Can stimulate contractions and should be avoided. It's always best to consult with a healthcare provider before using any essential oils during pregnancy. Please research the origin of any essential oils you are using to ensure they are pure and safe to use. Liveology® creates uplifting content and products for abundant life. Shop our all natural bodycare, handmade products, and spiritual apparel! Subscribe  for access to our wealth of articles and videos on victorious living. Thank you for your continued and growing support all over the world. Peace & Love!

Hempseed oil is a natural oil extracted from the seeds of the hemp plant that does not contain THC or CBD compounds. Hempseed oil is a natural oil extracted from the seeds of the hemp plant (Cannabis sativa). It is renowned for its nutritional benefits and is often used in cooking, skincare, and health supplements. Unlike CBD oil, which is extracted from the flowers, leaves, or stalks of the hemp plant, hempseed oil is made exclusively from the seeds and does not contain THC (the psychoactive component of cannabis) or CBD (cannabidiol with analgesic properties). Key Properties Hempseed oil is widely available in health food stores, skincare aisles, and online, and it is increasingly popular as a versatile, plant-based wellness product. Rich in Nutrients: Hempseed oil is a great source of essential fatty acids like omega-3 and omega-6, which are beneficial for heart health, brain function, and reducing inflammation. High in Antioxidants: It contains vitamin E and other antioxidants that help protect cells from damage. Non-Psychoactive: Since it’s derived from the seeds, it contains no THC and won’t cause any mind-altering effects. Supports Heart Health: Due to its balanced ratio of omega-3 and omega-6 fatty acids. Moisturizes Skin: Hempseed oil is a moderately light oil that can hydrate and soften the skin without causing greasiness. Reduces Inflammation: May help reduce inflammation in the skin and joints, making it useful for conditions like eczema, psoriasis, and arthritis. Promotes Healthy Hair: Helps improve hair’s texture and reduce split ends. Common Uses of Hempseed Oil Culinary Uses: Hempseed oil has a nutty flavor and can be used in salad dressings, smoothies, or drizzled over food. It is often consumed raw to retain its nutritional benefits, as heating can degrade its nutrient profile. Skincare : Hempseed oil is commonly used in skin and hair products because of its moisturizing and anti-inflammatory properties. It’s especially beneficial for dry or sensitive skin, and it’s non-comedogenic, meaning it won’t clog pores. Health Supplements: Hempseed oil is available in capsule form as a dietary supplement, offering a natural source of omega-3 and omega-6 fatty acids to support overall health. Hair Care: It’s used in shampoos and conditioners to help nourish and strengthen hair, promoting shine and reducing dryness.   Liveology® creates uplifting content and products for abundant life. Shop our all natural bodycare, handmade products, and spiritual apparel! Subscribe  for access to our wealth of articles and videos on victorious living. Thank you for your continued and growing support all over the world. Peace & Love!

The Negro is exploited to a degree that means poverty, crime, delinquency and indigence. KARL MARX was a Jew born at Treves, Germany, in March, 1818. He came of an educated family and studied at the Universities of Bonn and Berlin, planning first to become a lawyer, and then to teach philosophy. But his ideas were too radical for the government. He turned to journalism, and finally gave his life to economic reform, dying in London in 1883, after having lived in Germany, Belgium, France, and, for the last thirty-five years of his life, in England. He published in 1867, the first volume of his monumental work, "Capital." There are certain books in the world which every searcher for truth must know: the Bible, the Critique of Pure Reason, the Origin of Species, and Karl Marx' "Capital." Yet until the Russian Revolution, Karl Marx was little known in America. He was treated condescendingly in the universities, and regarded even by the intelligent public as a radical agitator whose curious and inconvenient theories it was easy to refute. Today, at last, we all know better, and we see in Karl Marx a colossal genius of infinite sacrifice and monumental industry, and with a mind of extraordinary logical keenness and grasp. We may disagree with many of the great books of truth that I have named, and with "Capital," but they can never be ignored. At a recent dinner to Einstein, another great Jew, the story was told of a professor who was criticized as having "no sense of humor" because be tried to explain the Theory of Relativity in a few simple words. Something of the same criticism must be attached to anyone who attempts similarly to indicate the relation of Marxian philosophy and the American Negro problem. And yet, with all modesty, I am essaying the task knowing that it will be but tentative and subject to much criticism, both on my own part and that of other abler students. The task which Karl Marx set himself was to study and interpret the organization of industry in the modern world. One of Marx's earlier works, "The Communist Manifesto," issued in 1848, on the eve of the series of democratic revolutions in Europe, laid down this fundamental proposition. "That in every historical epoch the prevailing mode of economic production and exchange, and the social organization necessarily following from it, form the basis upon which is built up, and from which alone can be explained, the political and intellectual history of that consequently the whole history of mankind. . . . has been a history of class struggles, contest between exploiting and exploited, ruling and oppressed classes; that the history of these class struggles forms a series of evolution in which, now-a-days, a stage has been reached where the exploited and oppressed class (the proletariat) cannot attain its emancipation from the sway of the exploiting and ruling class (the bourgeoisie) without, at the same time, and once and for all, emancipating society at large from all exploitation, oppression, class-distinction and class-struggles." All will notice in this manifesto, phrases which have been used so much lately and so carelessly that they have almost lost their meaning. But behind them still is living and insistent truth. The class struggle of exploiter and exploited is a reality. The capitalist still today owns machines, materials, and wages with which to buy labor. The laborer even in America owns little more than his ability to work. A wage contract takes place between these two and the resultant manufactured commodity or service is the property of the capitalist. Here Marx begins his scientific analysis based on a mastery of practically all economic theory before his time and on an extraordinary, thoroughgoing personal knowledge of industrial conditions over all Europe and many other parts of the world. His final conclusions were never all properly published, He lived only to finish the first volume of his "Capital," and the ether two volumes were completed from his papers and notes by his friend Engels. The result is an unfinished work, extraordinarily difficult to read and understand and one which the master himself would have been first to criticize as not properly representing his mature and finished thought. Nevertheless, that first volume, together with the fairly evident meaning of the others, lay down a logical line of thought. The gist of that philosophy is that the value of products regularly exchanged in the open market depends upon the labor necessary to produce them; that capital consists of machines, materials and wages paid for labor; that out of the finished product, when materials have been paid for and the wear and tear and machinery replaced, and wages paid, there remains a surplus value. This surplus value arises from labor and is the difference between what is actually paid laborers for their wages and the market value of the commodities which the laborers produce. It represents, therefore, exploitation of the laborer, and this exploitation, inherent in the capitalistic system of production, is the cause of poverty, of industrial crises, and eventually of social revolution. This social revolution, whether we regard it as voluntary revolt or the inevitable working of a vast cosmic law of social evolution, will be the last manifestation of the class struggle, and will come by inevitable change induced by the very nature of the conditions under which present production is carried on. It will come by the action of the great majority of men who compose the wage-earning proletariat, and it will result in common ownership of all capital, the disappearance of capitalistic exploitation, and the division of the products and services of industry according to human needs, and not according to the will of the owners of capital. It goes without saying that every step of this reasoning and every presentation of supporting facts have been bitterly assailed. The labor theory of value has been denied; the theory of surplus value refuted; and inevitability of revolution scoffed at; while industrial crises—at least until this present one—have been defended as unusual exceptions proving the rule of modern industrial efficiency. But with the Russian experiment and the World Depression most thoughtful men today are beginning to admit:That the continued recurrence of industrial crises and wars based largely on economy rivalry, with persistent poverty, unemployment, disease and crime, are forcing the world to contemplate the possibilities of fundamental change in our economic methods; and that means thorough-going change, whether it be violent, as in France or Russia, or peaceful, as seems just as possible, and just as true to the Marxian formula, if it is fundamental change; in any case, Revolution seems bound to come. Perhaps nothing illustrates this better than the recent actions in the United States: our re-examination of the whole concept of Property; our banking moratorium; the extraordinary new agriculture bill; the plans to attack unemployment, and similar measures. Labor rather than gambling is the sure foundation of value and whatever we can it—exploitation, theft or business acumen—there is something radically wrong with an industrial system that turns out simultaneously paupers and millionaires and sets a world starving because it has too much food. What now has all this to do with the Negro problem? First of all, it is manifest that the mass of Negroes in United States belong distinctly to the working proletariat. Of every thousand working Negroes less than a hundred and fifty belong to any class that could possibly be considered bourgeois. And even this more educated and prosperous class has but small connection with exploiters of wage and labor. Nevertheless, this black proletariat is not a part of the white proletariat. Black and white work together in many cases, and influence each other's rates of wages. They have similar complaints against capitalists, save that the grievances of the Negro worker are more fundamental and indefensible, ranging as they do, since the day of Karl Marx, from chattel slavery, to the worst paid, sweated, mobbed and cheated labor in any civilized land. And while Negro labor in America suffers because of the fundamental equities of the whole capitalistic system the lowest and most fatal degree of suffering comes not from the capitalists but from fellow white laborers. It is white labor that deprives the Negro of his right to vote, denies him education, denies him affiliation with trade unions, expels him from decent houses and neighborhoods, and heaps upon him the public insults of open color discrimination. It is not sufficient answer to say that capital encourages this oppression and uses it for its own ends. This may have excused the ignorant and superstitious Russian peasants in the past and some of the poor whites of the South today. But the bulk of American white labor is neither ignorant nor fanatical. It knows exactly what it is doing and it meant do it. William Green and Mathew [sic] Woll of the A. F. of L. have no excuse of illiteracy or religion to veil their deliberate intention to keep Negroes and Mexicans and other elements of common labor, in a lower proletariat as subservient to their interests as theirs to the interests of capital. This large development of a petty bourgeoisie within the American laboring class is a post-Marxian phenomenon and the result of the tremendous and world wide development of capitalism in the 20th Century. The market of capitalistic production has gained an effective world-wide organization. Industrial technique and mass production have brought possibilities in the production of goods and services which out-run even this wide market. A new class of technical engineers and managers has arisen forming a working class aristocracy between the older proletariat and absentee owners of capital. The real owners of capital are small as well as p.104, center large investors—workers who have deposits in savable banks and small holdings in stocks and bonds; families buying homes and purchasing commodities on installment; as well as the large and rich investors. Of course, the individual laborer gets but an infinitesimal part of his income from such investments. On the other hand, such investments, in the aggregate, largely increase available capital for exploiters, and they give investing laborers the capitalistic ideology. Between workers and owners of capital stand today the bankers and financiers who distribute capital and direct the engineers. Thus the engineers and the saving better-paid workers, form a new petty bourgeois class, whose interests are bound up with those of the capitalists and antagonistic to those of common labor. On the other hand, common labor in America and white Europe far from being motivated by any vision of revolt against capitalism, has been blinded by the American vision of the possibility of layer after layer of the workers escaping into the wealthy class and becoming managers and employers of labor. Thus in America we have seen a wild and ruthless scramble of labor groups over each other in order to climb to wealth on the backs of black labor and foreign immigrants. The Irish climbed on the Negroes. The Germans scrambled over the Negroes and emulated the Irish. The Scandinavians fought forward next to the Germans and Italians and "Bohunks" are crowding up, leaving Negroes still at the bottom chained to helplessness, first by slavery then by disfranchisement and always by the Color Bar.The word "Bohunk" is considered derogatory, referring to immigrants to the U.S.A. from Eastern and Central Europe. Apparently, the word was created from the names of Bohemia and Hungary. The second influence on white labor both in America and Europe has been the fact that the extension of the world market by imperial expanding industry has established a world-wide new proletariat of colored workers, toiling us the worst conditions of 19th century capitalism, herded as slaves and serfs and furnishing by the lowest paid wage in modern history a mass of material for industry. With this largess the capitalists have consolidated economic power, nullified universal suffrage and bribed the white worker by high wages, visions of wealth and opportunity to drive "niggers." Soldiers and sailors from the white workers are used to keep "darkies" in their "places" and white foremen and engineers have been established as irresponsible satraps in China and India, Africa and the West Indies, backed by the organized and centralized ownership of machines, raw materials, finished commodities and land monopoly over the whole world. How now does the philosophy of Karl Marx apply today to colored labor? First of all colored labor has no common ground with white labor. No soviet right of technocrats would do more than exploit colored labor in order to raise the status of whites. No revolt of a white proletariat could be started if its object was to make black workers their economic, political and social equals. It is for this reason that American socialism for fifty years has been dumb on the Negro problem, and the communists cannot even get a respectful hearing in America unless they begin by expelling Negroes. On the other hand, within the Negro groups, in the United States, in West Africa, in South America and in the West Indies, petty bourgeois groups are being evolved. In South America and the West Indies such groups drain off skill and intelligence into the white group, and leave the black labor poor, ignorant and leaderless save for an occasional demagog. In West Africa, a Negro bourgeoisie is developing with invested capital and employment of natives and is only kept from the conventional capitalistic development by the opposition and enmity of white capital, and the white managers and engineers who represent it locally and who display bitter prejudice and tyranny; and by white European labor which furnishes armies and navies and Empire "preference." African black labor and black capital are therefore driven to seek alliance and common ground. In the United States also a petty bourgeoisie is being developed, consisting of clergymen, teachers, farm owners, professional men and retail business men. The position of this class, however, is peculiar: they are not the chief or even large investors in Negro labor and therefore exploit it only here and there; and they bear the brunt of color prejudice because they express in word and work the aspirations of all black folk for emancipation. The revolt of any black proletariat could not, therefore, be logically directed against this class, nor could this class join either white capital, white engineers or white workers to strengthen the color bar. Under these circumstances, what shall we say of the Marxian philosophy and of its relation to the American Negro? We can only say, as it seems to me, the Marxian philosophy is a true diagnosis of the situation in Europe in the middle of the 19th Century despite some of its logical difficulties. But it must be modified in the United States of America and especially so far as the Negro group is concerned. The Negro is exploited to a degree that means poverty, crime, delinquency and indigence. And that exploitation comes not from a black capitalistic class but from the white capitalists and equally from the white proletariat. His only defense is such internal organization as will protect him from both parties, and such practical economic insight as will prevent inside the race group any large development of capitalistic exploitation. Meantime, comes the Great Depression. It levels all in mighty catastrophe. The fantastic industrial structure of America is threatened with ruin. The trade unions of skilled labor are double-tongued and helpless. Unskilled and common white labor is too frightened at Negro competition to attempt united action. It only begs a dole. The reformist program of Socialism meets no response from the white proletariat because it offers no escape to wealth and no effective bar to black labor, and a mud-sill of black labor is essential to white labor's standard of living. The shrill cry of a few communism is not even listened to, because and solely because it seeks to break down barriers between black and white. There is not at present the slightest indication that Marxian revolution based on a united class-conscious proletariat is anywhere on the American far horizon. Rather race antagonism and labor group rivalry is [original] still undisturbed by world catastrophe. In the hearts of black laborers alone, therefore, lie those ideals of democracy in politics and industry which may in time make the workers of the world effective dictators of civilization. — W.E.B. DuBois Liveology® creates uplifting content and products for abundant life. Shop our all natural bodycare, handmade products, and spiritual apparel! Subscribe  for access to our wealth of articles and videos on victorious living. Thank you for your continued and growing support all over the world. Peace & Love!

Asana, pranayama, drishti. The Tristhana method is a key concept in Ashtanga Yoga, developed by K. Pattabhi Jois. The term "Tristhana" translates to "three places" or "three points," referring to the three main components that practitioners focus on during their practice. 1. Asana (Posture) The physical postures or poses practiced in yoga. Each asana is performed with attention to alignment and breath, forming the foundation for the practice. Asanas help build strength, flexibility, and stability while promoting overall physical health. 2. Pranayama (Breath) The practice of breath control, which involves conscious inhalation and exhalation. In the Tristhana method, the breath is synchronized with movement (known as Vinyasa) and is often emphasized through a specific breathing technique called Ujjayi breath. This controlled breathing helps to cultivate focus, calm the mind, and maintain a steady flow during the practice. 3. Drishti (Gaze) The point of focus during the practice. Drishti refers to where you direct your gaze while performing asanas. Each posture has a designated drishti that helps enhance concentration, center the mind, and cultivate mindfulness. This focus aids in developing inner awareness and stability. Integration The integration of these three elements creates a harmonious practice that supports physical, mental, and spiritual development. As practitioners move through sequences of asanas, they coordinate their breath with movement, enhancing the flow of energy in the body. By focusing on the drishti, practitioners cultivate a meditative state, allowing for deeper concentration and present-moment awareness. The combination of physical alignment (asana), breath control (pranayama), and gaze (drishti) helps develop a greater awareness of the body and mind, fostering a sense of balance and equanimity. The Tristhana method is fundamental in Ashtanga Yoga, guiding practitioners in developing a disciplined and mindful practice. It emphasizes the importance of integrating body, breath, and mind to achieve a holistic approach to yoga. Liveology® creates uplifting content and products for abundant life. Shop our all natural bodycare, handmade products, and spiritual apparel! Subscribe  for access to our wealth of articles and videos on victorious living. Thank you for your continued and growing support all over the world. Peace & Love!

Now these are the kings of the land, whom the Israelites defeated. The Books of the Bible The Book of Joshua The Kings Conquered by Moses 12:1 Now these are the kings of the land, whom the Israelites defeated, whose land they occupied beyond the Jordan toward the east, from the Wadi Arnon to Mount Hermon, with all the Arabah eastward: 2 King Sihon of the Amorites who lived at Heshbon, and ruled from Aroer, which is on the edge of the Wadi Arnon, and from the middle of the valley as far as the river Jabbok, the boundary of the Ammonites, that is, half of Gilead, 3 and the Arabah to the Sea of Chinneroth eastward, and in the direction of Beth-jeshimoth, to the sea of the Arabah, the Dead Sea, southward to the foot of the slopes of Pisgah; 4 and King Og of Bashan, one of the last of the Rephaim, who lived at Ashtaroth and at Edrei 5 and ruled over Mount Hermon and Salecah and all Bashan to the boundary of the Geshurites and the Maacathites, and over half of Gilead to the boundary of King Sihon of Heshbon. 6 Moses, the servant of the LORD, and the Israelites defeated them; and Moses the servant of the LORD gave their land for a possession to the Reubenites and the Gadites and the half-tribe of Manasseh. The Kings Conquered by Joshua 7 The following are the kings of the land whom Joshua and the Israelites defeated on the west side of the Jordan, from Baal-gad in the valley of Lebanon to Mount Halak, that rises toward Seir (and Joshua gave their land to the tribes of Israel as a possession according to their allotments, 8 in the hill country, in the lowland, in the Arabah, in the slopes, in the wilderness, and in the Negeb, the land of the Hittites, Amorites, Canaanites, Perizzites, Hivites, and Jebusites): 9 the king of Jericho one the king of Ai, which is next to Bethel one 10 the king of Jerusalem one the king of Hebron one 11 the king of Jarmuth one the king of Lachish one 12 the king of Eglon one the king of Gezer one 13 the king of Debir one the king of Geder one 14 the king of Hormah one the king of Arad one 15 the king of Libnah one the king of Adullam one 16 the king of Makkedah one the king of Bethel one 17 the king of Tappuah one the king of Hepher one 18 the king of Aphek one the king of Lasharon one 19 the king of Madon one the king of Hazor one 20 the king of Shimron-meron one the king of Achshaph one 21 the king of Taanach one the king of Megiddo one 22 the king of Kedesh one the king of Jokneam in Carmel one 23 the king of Dor in Naphath-dor one the king of Goiim in Galilee, one 24 the king of Tirzah one thirty-one kings in all. New Revised Standard Version Liveology® Yoga Studios creates uplifting content for your whole life, drawing from spiritual traditions across the world. Our entire website is an interactive experience. You never know what you'll find! Become a Member  for access to all of our visualizations and our exclusive library of articles and videos. Thank you for your continued and growing support all over the world. Peace & Pineapples!

Out of love for the truth and the desire to bring it to light. Context Martin Luther's 95 Theses were a list of propositions and criticisms regarding the practices and teachings of the Catholic Church, particularly focusing on the sale of indulgences. Martin Luther, a German monk and theology professor, nailed the theses to the door of the All Saints' Church in Wittenberg on October 31, 1517 and is widely credited with sparking the Protestant Reformation, giving rise to new Christian denominations, such as Lutheranism, Calvinism, and Anglicanism. Full Text Out of love for the truth and the desire to bring it to light, the following propositions will be discussed at Wittenberg, under the presidency of the Reverend Father Martin Luther, Master of Arts and of Sacred Theology, and Lecturer in Ordinary on the same at that place. Wherefore he requests that those who are unable to be present and debate orally with us, may do so by letter. In the Name our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen. 1. Our Lord and Master Jesus Christ, when He said “repent” (Poenitentiam agite), willed that the whole life of believers should be repentance. 2. This word cannot be understood to mean sacramental penance, i.e., confession and satisfaction, which is administered by the priests. 3. Yet it means not inward repentance only; nay, there is no inward repentance which does not outwardly work divers mortifications of the flesh. 4. The penalty [of sin], therefore, continues so long as hatred of self continues; for this is the true inward repentance, and continues until our entrance into the kingdom of heaven. 5. The pope does not intend to remit, and cannot remit any penalties other than those which he has imposed either by his own authority or by that of the Canons. 6. The pope cannot remit any guilt, except by declaring that it has been remitted by God and by assenting to God's remission; though, to be sure, he may grant remission in cases reserved to his judgment. If his right to grant remission in such cases were despised, the guilt would remain entirely unforgiven. 7. God remits guilt to no one whom He does not, at the same time, humble in all things and bring into subjection to His vicar, the priest. 8. The penitential canons are imposed only on the living, and, according to them, nothing should be imposed on the dying. 9. Therefore the Holy Spirit in the pope is kind to us, because in his decrees he always makes exception of the article of death and of necessity. 10. Ignorant and wicked are the doings of those priests who, in the case of the dying, reserve canonical penances for purgatory. 11. This changing of the canonical penalty to the penalty of purgatory is quite evidently one of the tares that were sown while the bishops slept. 12. In former times the canonical penalties were imposed not after, but before absolution, as tests of true contrition. 13. The dying are freed by death from all penalties; they are already dead to canonical rules, and have a right to be released from them. 14. The imperfect health [of soul], that is to say, the imperfect love, of the dying brings with it, of necessity, great fear; and the smaller the love, the greater is the fear. 15. This fear and horror is sufficient of itself alone (to say nothing of other things) to constitute the penalty of purgatory, since it is very near to the horror of despair. 16. Hell, purgatory, and heaven seem to differ as do despair, almost-despair, and the assurance of safety. 17. With souls in purgatory it seems necessary that horror should grow less and love increase. 18. It seems unproved, either by reason or Scripture, that they are outside the state of merit, that is to say, of increasing love. 19. Again, it seems unproved that they, or at least that all of them, are certain or assured of their own blessedness, though we may be quite certain of it. 20. Therefore by "full remission of all penalties" the pope means not actually "of all," but only of those imposed by himself. 21. Therefore those preachers of indulgences are in error, who say that by the pope's indulgences a man is freed from every penalty, and saved; 22. Whereas he remits to souls in purgatory no penalty which, according to the canons, they would have had to pay in this life. 23. If it is at all possible to grant to any one the remission of all penalties whatsoever, it is certain that this remission can be granted only to the most perfect, that is, to the very fewest. 24. It must needs be, therefore, that the greater part of the people are deceived by that indiscriminate and highsounding promise of release from penalty. 25. The power which the pope has, in a general way, over purgatory, is just like the power which any bishop or curate has, in a special way, within his own diocese or parish. 26. The pope does well when he grants remission to souls [in purgatory], not by the power of the keys (which he does not possess), but by way of intercession. 27. They preach man who say that so soon as the penny jingles into the money-box, the soul flies out [of purgatory]. 28. It is certain that when the penny jingles into the moneybox, gain and avarice can be increased, but the result of the intercession of the Church is in the power of God alone. 29. Who knows whether all the souls in purgatory wish to be bought out of it, as in the legend of Sts. Severinus and Paschal. 30. No one is sure that his own contrition is sincere; much less that he has attained full remission. 31. Rare as is the man that is truly penitent, so rare is also the man who truly buys indulgences, i.e., such men are most rare. 32. They will be condemned eternally, together with their teachers, who believe themselves sure of their salvation because they have letters of pardon. 33. Men must be on their guard against those who say that the pope's pardons are that inestimable gift of God by which man is reconciled to Him; 34. For these "graces of pardon" concern only the penalties of sacramental satisfaction, and these are appointed by man. 35. They preach no Christian doctrine who teach that contrition is not necessary in those who intend to buy souls out of purgatory or to buy confessionalia. 36. Every truly repentant Christian has a right to full remission of penalty and guilt, even without letters of pardon. 37. Every true Christian, whether living or dead, has part in all the blessings of Christ and the Church; and this is granted him by God, even without letters of pardon. 38. Nevertheless, the remission and participation [in the blessings of the Church] which are granted by the pope are in no way to be despised, for they are, as I have said, the declaration of divine remission. 39. It is most difficult, even for the very keenest theologians, at one and the same time to commend to the people the abundance of pardons and [the need of] true contrition. 40. True contrition seeks and loves penalties, but liberal pardons only relax penalties and cause them to be hated, or at least, furnish an occasion [for hating them]. 41. Apostolic pardons are to be preached with caution, lest the people may falsely think them preferable to other good works of love. 42. Christians are to be taught that the pope does not intend the buying of pardons to be compared in any way to works of mercy. 43. Christians are to be taught that he who gives to the poor or lends to the needy does a better work than buying pardons; 44. Because love grows by works of love, and man becomes better; but by pardons man does not grow better, only more free from penalty. 45. Christians are to be taught that he who sees a man in need, and passes him by, and gives [his money] for pardons, purchases not the indulgences of the pope, but the indignation of God. 46. Christians are to be taught that unless they have more than they need, they are bound to keep back what is necessary for their own families, and by no means to squander it on pardons. 47. Christians are to be taught that the buying of pardons is a matter of free will, and not of commandment. 48. Christians are to be taught that the pope, in granting pardons, needs, and therefore desires, their devout prayer for him more than the money they bring. 49. Christians are to be taught that the pope's pardons are useful, if they do not put their trust in them; but altogether harmful, if through them they lose their fear of God. 50. Christians are to be taught that if the pope knew the exactions of the pardon-preachers, he would rather that St. Peter's church should go to ashes, than that it should be built up with the skin, flesh and bones of his sheep. 51. Christians are to be taught that it would be the pope's wish, as it is his duty, to give of his own money to very many of those from whom certain hawkers of pardons cajole money, even though the church of St. Peter might have to be sold. 52. The assurance of salvation by letters of pardon is vain, even though the commissary, nay, even though the pope himself, were to stake his soul upon it. 53. They are enemies of Christ and of the pope, who bid the Word of God be altogether silent in some Churches, in order that pardons may be preached in others. 54. Injury is done the Word of God when, in the same sermon, an equal or a longer time is spent on pardons than on this Word. 55. It must be the intention of the pope that if pardons, which are a very small thing, are celebrated with one bell, with single processions and ceremonies, then the Gospel, which is the very greatest thing, should be preached with a hundred bells, a hundred processions, a hundred ceremonies. 56. The "treasures of the Church," out of which the pope. grants indulgences, are not sufficiently named or known among the people of Christ. 57. That they are not temporal treasures is certainly evident, for many of the vendors do not pour out such treasures so easily, but only gather them. 58. Nor are they the merits of Christ and the Saints, for even without the pope, these always work grace for the inner man, and the cross, death, and hell for the outward man. 59. St. Lawrence said that the treasures of the Church were the Church's poor, but he spoke according to the usage of the word in his own time. 60. Without rashness we say that the keys of the Church, given by Christ's merit, are that treasure; 61. For it is clear that for the remission of penalties and of reserved cases, the power of the pope is of itself sufficient. 62. The true treasure of the Church is the Most Holy Gospel of the glory and the grace of God. 63. But this treasure is naturally most odious, for it makes the first to be last. 64. On the other hand, the treasure of indulgences is naturally most acceptable, for it makes the last to be first. 65. Therefore the treasures of the Gospel are nets with which they formerly were wont to fish for men of riches. 66. The treasures of the indulgences are nets with which they now fish for the riches of men. 67. The indulgences which the preachers cry as the "greatest graces" are known to be truly such, in so far as they promote gain. 68. Yet they are in truth the very smallest graces compared with the grace of God and the piety of the Cross. 69. Bishops and curates are bound to admit the commissaries of apostolic pardons, with all reverence. 70. But still more are they bound to strain all their eyes and attend with all their ears, lest these men preach their own dreams instead of the commission of the pope. 71. He who speaks against the truth of apostolic pardons, let him be anathema and accursed! 72. But he who guards against the lust and license of the pardon-preachers, let him be blessed! 73. The pope justly thunders against those who, by any art, contrive the injury of the traffic in pardons. 74. But much more does he intend to thunder against those who use the pretext of pardons to contrive the injury of holy love and truth. 75. To think the papal pardons so great that they could absolve a man even if he had committed an impossible sin and violated the Mother of God -- this is madness. 76. We say, on the contrary, that the papal pardons are not able to remove the very least of venial sins, so far as its guilt is concerned. 77. It is said that even St. Peter, if he were now Pope, could not bestow greater graces; this is blasphemy against St. Peter and against the pope. 78. We say, on the contrary, that even the present pope, and any pope at all, has greater graces at his disposal; to wit, the Gospel, powers, gifts of healing, etc., as it is written in I. Corinthians xii. 79. To say that the cross, emblazoned with the papal arms, which is set up [by the preachers of indulgences], is of equal worth with the Cross of Christ, is blasphemy. 80. The bishops, curates and theologians who allow such talk to be spread among the people, will have an account to render. 81. This unbridled preaching of pardons makes it no easy matter, even for learned men, to rescue the reverence due to the pope from slander, or even from the shrewd questionings of the laity. 82. To wit: -- "Why does not the pope empty purgatory, for the sake of holy love and of the dire need of the souls that are there, if he redeems an infinite number of souls for the sake of miserable money with which to build a Church? The former reasons would be most just; the latter is most trivial." 83. Again: -- "Why are mortuary and anniversary masses forthe dead continued, and why does he not return or permit the withdrawal of the endowments founded on their behalf, since it is wrong to pray for the redeemed?" 84. Again: -- "What is this new piety of God and the pope, that for money they allow a man who is impious and their enemy to buy out of purgatory the pious soul of a friend of God, and do not rather, because of that pious and beloved soul's own need, free it for pure love's sake?" 85. Again: -- "Why are the penitential canons long since in actual fact and through disuse abrogated and dead, now satisfied by the granting of indulgences, as though they were still alive and in force?" 86. Again: -- "Why does not the pope, whose wealth is to-day greater than the riches of the richest, build just this one church of St. Peter with his own money, rather than with the money of poor believers?" 87. Again: -- "What is it that the pope remits, and what participation does he grant to those who, by perfect contrition, have a right to full remission and participation?" 88. Again: -- "What greater blessing could come to the Church than if the pope were to do a hundred times a day what he now does once, and bestow on every believer these remissions and participations?" 89. "Since the pope, by his pardons, seeks the salvation of souls rather than money, why does he suspend the indulgences and pardons granted heretofore, since these have equal efficacy?" 90. To repress these arguments and scruples of the laity by force alone, and not to resolve them by giving reasons, is to expose the Church and the pope to the ridicule of their enemies, and to make Christians unhappy. 91. If, therefore, pardons were preached according to the spirit and mind of the pope, all these doubts would be readily resolved; nay, they would not exist. 92. Away, then, with all those prophets who say to the people of Christ, "Peace, peace," and there is no peace! 93. Blessed be all those prophets who say to the people of Christ, "Cross, cross," and there is no cross! 94. Christians are to be exhorted that they be diligent in following Christ, their Head, through penalties, deaths, and hell; 95. And thus be confident of entering into heaven rather through many tribulations, than through the assurance of peace. Liveology® creates uplifting content and products for abundant life. Shop our all natural bodycare, handmade products, and spiritual apparel! Subscribe  for access to our wealth of articles and videos on victorious living. Thank you for your continued and growing support all over the world. Peace & Love!

The concept of being chosen typically involves blessings, challenges, and responsibilities. The term "chosen ones" appears in various religious and spiritual contexts, referring to individuals or groups selected by God or a higher power for a special purpose. The concept of being "chosen" generally implies a unique relationship with the divine, often tied to fulfilling a particular mission during their life on this earth from God. The Chosen Ones in Judaism In Judaism, the concept of the "chosen people" refers to the Israelites (or Jews), who are believed to be chosen by God to uphold His commandments and share His teachings with the world. This idea originates in the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh), particularly in the covenant between God and Abraham and later with Moses at Mount Sinai. The chosen status is seen as both a blessing and a responsibility, as it requires following the 613 mitzvot (commandments) and serving as an example of ethical and moral behavior. Jews see this relationship as a commitment to uphold God's law and bring spiritual and ethical light to the world. The Chosen Ones in Christianity In Christianity, the concept of the "chosen" often refers to those who are saved by grace through faith in Jesus Christ. New Testament passages, such as 1 Peter 2:9 ("You are a chosen people, a royal priesthood..."), describe believers as chosen to spread the Gospel and live according to Christ’s teachings. Christian theology emphasizes that being "chosen" is accessible to all who accept faith in Christ, underscoring both individual election and the universal call to salvation. The Chosen Ones in Islam Islam does not have a direct parallel to the "chosen people" concept but teaches that all who submit to Allah and follow His guidance are chosen to live a righteous life. However, certain individuals, like prophets and messengers (e.g., Prophet Muhammad, Jesus, Moses), are seen as chosen by God to convey His message to humanity. The Chosen Ones in Other Belief Systems In various spiritual traditions and mystical beliefs, the idea of being "chosen" might refer to individuals or groups with special insight, purpose, or destiny, often connected to spiritual awakening or a unique mission on earth. For instance, some interpretations of Eastern philosophies believe in souls chosen for higher levels of enlightenment, tasked with guiding others toward truth, peace, or enlightenment. The Responsibilities & Challenges of the Chosen Ones Across these beliefs, the concept of being "chosen" typically involves both blessings, challenges, and responsibilities. Those chosen are often expected to endure hardships for personal growth and are given mission that contributes to the greater good, whether through teaching, serving others, spreading divine wisdom, or working for justice and compassion. Liveology® creates uplifting content and products for abundant life. Shop our all natural bodycare, handmade products, and spiritual apparel! Subscribe  for access to our wealth of articles and videos on victorious living. Thank you for your continued and growing support all over the world. Peace & Love!

Live victoriously. Formal Bio Christina Victoria Mills is a yoga teacher, speaker, and creator & editor of Liveology® Magazine. Christina Victoria was first introduced to the Ashtanga yoga method at the age of 30, after a car accident and found that repeating the Primary Series daily was like physical therapy for her back and surprisingly brought a new level of clarity and focus to her mind and the rest of her life. She practiced Ashtanga yoga exclusively for many years, assisting at a traditional shala and practicing with her teachers, Kino MacGregor and Tim Feldmann. ​​ Christina Victoria is the mind behind Liveology®. She is the Editor-in-Chief of Liveology Yoga Magazine and the Executive Producer of our yoga videos. She loves to teach yoga through our online tutorials and in person events and workshops. Christina Victoria has experience teaching groups of all ages and abilities, from toddlers to seniors to professional athletes, and has held events up to hundreds of people at a time. Christina Victoria can be booked to speak or teach yoga postures, breathwork, and meditation to you or your group. She will always bring a little sparkle to your event. She will literally roll out the black mats for you and will always treat you as family. ​​ Christina Victoria is the daughter of Rev. Clara T. Mills and Felton Williams. She was born in San Francisco, CA and moved to Pasadena, CA at the age of 8. She is an alumna of the University of Southern California. Fight on. Learn more about Liveology® Yoga Studios & Contact Christina Personal Introduction Peace, family. I'm Christina Victoria, and I'm the founder of Liveology® Yoga Studios. I am the daughter of Rev. Clara T. Mills and Felton J. Williams and give honor to my parents for all they shared with me. My name was intended to mean Victorious in Christ, which I often translate to Live Victoriously (some people call me Live). My mom was a pastor, so I grew up in the church. She was the kind of pastor who used her church to feed the homeless and lead marches against gun violence, and always worked in ecumenical groups. As I got older, she exposed me to her personal library, which included everything ranging from The Lost Books of the Bible to Buddhist teachings. My dad would always say, "Everything is information" and encouraged me to be curious and to think for myself. My mom put me in my first yoga class at the age of 16, but I kind of forgot about it for most of my 20s. I entered seminary where I learned Greek and Hebrew and began to preach, but became disillusioned for many reasons. One, was the wealth of information I was learning in school about other traditions, and those who worship this same God all over the world, in different ways. So I decided to change the world through politics and began to work on campaigns, doing graphic design and faith outreach. Things were going pretty well. At 30, I encountered what I considered to be traumatic events. My anxiety was out of control. I could barely work. I was told I had PTSD. I initially sought Buddhist meditation, but found it so difficult. Then I remembered enjoying yoga when I was younger, so I got back into it. I practiced every day, and every day I continue to reap its benefits as I began to heal my mind, my body, and strengthen my body. I was so excited by what was happening that I began teaching and Liveology® became a mobile events business - I began to quietly document everything I was learning as articles on this site. I am so grateful for how Liveology® has grown over the past few years as my creative expression and a way to share the gift of yoga. We are so blessed! Now, we have thousands of articles and videos. I have taught everyone from toddlers at daycare centers to seniors in chairs and professional athletes, including the Fan Controlled Football team. We have put on events of hundreds of people at a time with multiple teachers. I am a graphic designer and act as the Executive Producer/Editor-in-Chief for our content, including our print magazine and the website. I also make our malas by hand and formulate our other products such as our body oils, all of which my family actually use at home. I wear a lot of hats. I am available to teach classes and retreats, for speaking engagements, and for uplifting podcast discussions. I love to talk about the following topics: The Science and Spirituality of Yoga Cross-Sections between Christianity and Yoga The Power of the Breath The Benefits of Meditation on Everyday Life Leveling Up with Yoga Yoga is so much more than asana (posture) practice. it is a spiritual practice, a science, designed to help you to increase self-awareness, to break patterns, connect with God, and find increased levels of freedom, peace, and joy. I designed this site to be an interactive yoga experience - a visualization of sorts. Everything is a choice. This site is interfaith, dedicated to the exploration of God, or the creative principle of the universe, in every language, every culture, across the world. It's dedicated more toward asking questions than giving answers. For evolving humans. Reach out to me directly at christina@liveologyyogastudios.com. I look forward to hearing from you! Peace & Pineapples! Liveology® creates uplifting content and products for abundant life. Shop our all natural bodycare, handmade products, and spiritual apparel! Subscribe  for access to our wealth of articles and videos on victorious living. Thank you for your continued and growing support all over the world. Peace & Love!

Today, the Democratic Party advocates for a range of progressive issues, and is generally characterized by a belief in the role of government in promoting social welfare and protecting individual rights. The Democratic Party, one of the two major political parties in the United States, has a rich history that dates back to the early 19th century. Founded in 1828, it emerged from the Democratic-Republican Party, which was established by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. Initially, the party championed agrarian interests and the rights of the "common man," positioning itself against the Federalist Party. Over the years, the Democratic Party has evolved significantly, adapting its platform and policies to reflect changing social and economic landscapes. Throughout the 19th century, the Democratic Party was often associated with states' rights and opposition to federal power, particularly during the era leading up to the Civil War. The party faced significant challenges during this period, including internal divisions over slavery. After the Civil War and Reconstruction, the party found itself largely representing Southern interests and the agrarian working class, particularly during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This alignment shifted dramatically during the New Deal era under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, as the party began to embrace a more progressive agenda focused on social welfare, labor rights, and economic reform. In the latter half of the 20th century, the Democratic Party further expanded its platform to include civil rights, women's rights, and environmental protection. The party played a crucial role in advancing legislation that aimed to dismantle segregation and promote equality, especially during the civil rights movement of the 1960s. Figures such as Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson were instrumental in pushing forward landmark legislation, including the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act. The party's embrace of social justice and inclusivity has become a defining feature of its modern identity. Today, the Democratic Party advocates for a range of progressive issues, including healthcare reform, climate change action, education access, and income inequality. It is generally characterized by a belief in the role of government in promoting social welfare and protecting individual rights. The party's coalition includes a diverse membership, comprising various racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic groups. As political dynamics continue to evolve in the United States, the Democratic Party remains a central player in shaping national policy and addressing the challenges facing American society. Liveology® creates uplifting content and products for abundant life. Shop our all natural bodycare, handmade products, and spiritual apparel! Subscribe  for access to our wealth of articles and videos on victorious living. Thank you for your continued and growing support all over the world. Peace & Love!

A march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. We the people, in order to form a more perfect union, 221 years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and with these simple words launched America’s improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars, statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787. The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation’s original sin of slavery. A question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least 20 more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations. Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our constitution. A constitution that had at its very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law. A constitution that promised its people liberty and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time. And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. But what would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part through protests and struggles, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience, and always at great risk. To narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time. This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this presidential campaign, to continue the long march of those who came before us. A march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for president at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together, unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes. That we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction towards a better future for our children and our grandchildren. This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people, but it also comes from my own story. I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a depression to serve in Patton’s Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas. I’ve gone to some of the best schools in America and I have lived in one of the world’s poorest nations. I am married to a Black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slave owners, an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins of every race and every hue scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on earth is my story even possible. It’s a story that hasn’t made me the most conventional of candidates, but it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts. That out of many, we are truly one. Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina where the Confederate flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African-Americans and white Americans. This is not to say that race has not been an issue in this campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either too black or not black enough. We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every single exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well. And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn. On one end of the spectrum, we’ve heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action, that is based solely on the desire of wild and wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap. On the other end, we’ve heard my former pastor, Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation, and that rightly offend white and black alike. I have already condemned in unequivocal terms the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy and in some cases, pain. For some, nagging questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in the church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely. Just as I’m sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagree. But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren’t simply controversial. They weren’t simply a religious leader’s efforts to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country. A view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America. A view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam. As such, Reverend Wright’s comments were not only wrong but divisive. Divisive at a time when we need unity. Racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems towards a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change. Problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all. Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place? They may ask. Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television sets and YouTube, if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way. But the truth is, that isn’t all that I know of the man. The man I met more than 20 years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith. A man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another, to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who served his country as a United States marine and who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country. And who for over 30 years has led a church that serves the community by doing God’s work here on earth by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS. In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I describe the experience of my first service at Trinity, and it goes as follows. “People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend’s voice up into the rafters. And in that single note, hope I heard something else. At the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion’s den, Ezekiel’s field of dry bones.” “Those stories of survival and freedom and hope became our stories, my story. The blood that spilled was our blood, the tears our tears, until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black. In chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a meaning to reclaim memories that we didn’t need to feel shame about. Memories that all people might study and cherish, and with which we could start to rebuild.” That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety the doctor and the welfare mom. The model student and the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity’s services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing and clapping and screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and biases that make up the black experience in America. And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions the good and the bad of the community that he has served diligently for so many years. I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can disown my white grandmother. A woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed her by on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe. These people are a part of me. And they are part of America, this country that I love. Now some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing to do would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated bias. But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America. To simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality. The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we’ve never really worked through. A part of our union that we have not yet made perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care or education or the need to find good jobs for every American. Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, “The past isn’t dead and buried. In fact, it isn’t even past.” We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist between the African-American community and the larger American community today can be traced directly to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow. Segregated schools were and are inferior schools. We still haven’t fixed them, 50 years after Brown verses Board of Education. And the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today’s black and white students. Legalized discrimination, where blacks were prevented often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions or the police force or the fire department, meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between blacks and whites, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persist in so many of today’s urban and rural communities. A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one’s family contributed to the erosion of black families. A problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods. Parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pickup, building code enforcement. All helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continues to haunt us. This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late ’50s and early ’60s, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What’s remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but how many men and women overcame the odds, how many were able to make a way out of no way, for those like me who would come after them. But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn’t make it. Those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations. Those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race and racism continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright’s generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or the beauty shop or around the kitchen table. At times that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician’s own failings. And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright’s sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour of American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive, indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems. It keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity within the African-American community in our condition. It prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real, it is powerful. And to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races. In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working and middle-class white Americans don’t feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience, as far as they’re concerned, no one handed them anything, they’ve built it from scratch. They’ve worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pensions dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and they feel their dreams slipping away. And in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town, when they hear an African-American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed, when they’re told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment builds over time. Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren’t always expressed in polite company, but they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism. And just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze. A corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices and short-term greed. A Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests. Economic policies that favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns, this too widens the racial divide and blocks the path to understanding. This is where we are right now. It’s a racial stalemate we’ve been stuck in for years. And contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naïve as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle or with a single candidacy, particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own. But I have asserted a firm conviction, a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice. We have no choice if we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union. For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances for better health care and better schools and better jobs, to the larger aspirations of all Americans. The white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man who has been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full responsibility for our own lives, by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism. They must always believe that they can write their own destiny. Ironically, this quintessentially American, and yes, conservative notion of self-help, found frequent expression in Reverend Wright’s sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change. The profound mistake of Reverend Wright’s sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society, it’s that he spoke as if our society was static, as if no progress had been made. As if this country, a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black, Latino, Asian, rich, poor, young and old, is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. What we know, what we have seen, is that America can change, that is the true genius of this nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope, the audacity to hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow. In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people. That the legacy of discrimination and current incidents of discrimination were less overt than in the past, that this things are real and must be addressed, not just with words, but with deeds. By investing in our schools and our communities. By enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal justice system. By providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams. That investing in the health, welfare and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper. In the end then, what is called for is nothing more and nothing less than what all the world’s great religions demand, that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother’s keeper, scripture tells us. Let us be our sister’s keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well. For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division and conflict and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle as we did in the O.J. trial or in the wake of tragedy as we did in the aftermath of Katrina or as fodder for the Nightly News. We can play Reverend Wright’s sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she’s playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his policies. We can do that. But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we’ll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one, and then another one and nothing will change. That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, “Not this time.” This time, we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native American children. This time, we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can’t learn, that those kids who don’t look like us are somebody else’s problem. The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st century economy. Not this time. This time we want to talk about how the lines in the emergency room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care, who don’t have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together. This time, we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life. This time, we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn’t look like you might take your job, it’s that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit. This time, we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together and fight together and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that should have never been authorized and should have never been waged. And we want to talk about how we’ll show our patriotism by caring for them and their families, and giving them the benefits that they have earned. I would not be running for President if I didn’t believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation. The young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election. There is one story in particular that I’d like to leave you with today, a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King’s birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta. There is a young, 23-year-old woman, a white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign. And one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there. And Ashley said that when she was 9 years old, her mother got cancer and because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that’s when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom. She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches because that was the cheapest way to eat. That’s the mind of a 9-year-old. She did this for a year until her mom got better. And so Ashley told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she had joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents, too. Now, Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother’s problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn’t. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice. Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they’re supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and different reasons many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who’s been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he’s there. And he does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, “I am here because of Ashley. I’m here because of Ashley.” And by itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children. But it is where we start, it is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the 221 years since a band of patriots signed that document right here in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins. Thank you very much everyone. Thank you, thank you, thank you. Liveology® Yoga Studios creates uplifting content for your whole life, drawing from spiritual traditions across the world. Our entire website is an interactive experience. You never know what you'll find! Become a Member  for access to all of our visualizations and our exclusive library of articles and videos. Thank you for your continued and growing support all over the world. Peace & Pineapples!